Brazil's Left Masters the Right's Digital Tactics to Secure Lula's Victory

For three weeks in October, Veridiana Cunha transformed into a digital soldier for the campaign to reelect Brazil's leftist President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The 48-year-old copy editor in São Paulo frequently paused her work to check WhatsApp for campaign instructions. She even reactivated a dormant Instagram account and learned to post on X for the first time, all in service of the cause. "I’d edit a text, then go to the army. Edit another text, then go to the army," Cunha told CNN, describing the WhatsApp channel led by Congressman André Janones that served as a virtual campaign headquarters in the final weeks of Brazil's presidential race. Cunha was among millions of Brazilians who joined "Lula's Army," a channel tasked with reversing Lula's initial defeat on October 4 to right-wing senator Flávio Bolsonaro, son of former President Jair Bolsonaro. Their efforts were successful, with Lula winning the election on October 25. Analysts attribute this victory partly to an eleventh-hour strategy that adopted a digital playbook previously associated with Brazil's right wing, utilizing WhatsApp to amplify political messages and mobilize voters. This online strategy, encompassing coordinated social media campaigns and the reclamation of national symbols, successfully mobilized many to vote for Lula, offering a significant example of how the Brazilian left adapted to compete on the right's digital turf.

WhatsApp holds considerable influence in Brazilian politics. Jair Bolsonaro's successful 2018 presidential campaign was bolstered by extensive networks of private groups that disseminated videos, political messages, and disinformation. However, leading up to the October 4 first-round vote, Lula's campaign struggled to match the digital operations of the right. Lucas Fernandes, a political analyst at BMJ Consultores Associados, noted that while Flávio Bolsonaro's campaign had long prioritized social media, Lula's team had underestimated its importance. "The right understood this and applied it on several fronts, not just to Flávio’s candidacy, while the left failed to make that transition," Fernandes stated, identifying social media as a key factor in Flávio's first-round victory.

This dynamic shifted after Lula's defeat, with Congressman André Janones emerging as a pivotal figure in the new strategy. Janones, 42, had created the WhatsApp channel in April. Following Lula's first-round loss, he transformed it into a virtual command center, issuing coordinated directives to supporters facing the prospect of losing the presidency. Viktor Chagas, a professor at Fluminense Federal University specializing in political communication, characterized Janones as a politician who "fights the far right with the same resources it uses," employing emotionally charged messages, aggressive language, and occasionally content of questionable origin. This approach saw the channel's membership surge from 50,000 before the first round to nearly 11 million within three weeks, as Janones rallied supporters to aid Lula's historic comeback.

Within Congress, Janones is recognized for his confrontational style, which he terms "cultural Janonism," adopting tactics similar to Bolsonarism, according to Chagas. This includes provocative language, emotionally charged posts, and attacks on opponents, making him a polarizing figure. He was previously suspended by Congress for three months for offensive remarks directed at another lawmaker. Through videos, audio messages, and social media posts, Janones directed his followers to promote hashtags, engage with livestreams, share videos, like posts, publish photos with the "L" hand gesture supporting Lula, and recruit new members. He also called for a "panelaço"—a traditional Brazilian protest involving banging pots and pans—during Flávio Bolsonaro's interview on TV Globo, aiming to disrupt the broadcast. Janones advised supporters against engaging with opponents' posts, warning that such interactions could inadvertently boost their visibility via social media algorithms. The campaign's intensity was such that Janones even discouraged resting unless a "soldier" could find a replacement for their "missions." On October 17, he wrote on the channel: "If there is a substitute soldier, the change is authorized. Pass him the cell phone. Rest and come back in ten minutes." Chagas described this strategy as a form of "gamification," fostering a sense of collective purpose and providing progressive digital activism with a level of coordination previously unseen, even during Lula's 2022 campaign.

While Bolsonaro's strategy relied on content from a few key influencers, "Lula's Army" operated with a centralized command that instructed members to create and disseminate their own content alongside official messaging. Experts noted that Janones not only dictated what to share but also provided guidance on how to do so, with Leonardo Magalhães Firmino, CEO of research firm IPSE Global, comparing the method to training thousands of micro-social media managers. However, the surge in online activity also raised concerns about misinformation. One widely circulated image depicted Brazilian soccer legend Ronaldo wearing a national team jersey with Lula's ballot number, 13, and making the "L" gesture. Brazilian fact-checking outlet Agência Lupa reported that the image was manipulated using artificial intelligence by a Colombian artist and used without Ronaldo's authorization. Although Janones' tactics generally serve democratic aims, Chagas suggests they could potentially degrade public discourse by simplifying complex political discussions into perpetual confrontation. CNN sought comment from Janones, who has previously denied spreading disinformation.

On the channel, Janones referred to himself as "general" and assigned daily "missions" to Lula's supporters, urging them to extend the campaign beyond their personal social media. These tactics proved frustrating for Bolsonaro's supporters. On October 11, a supreme court judge ordered the suspension of the WhatsApp group following a complaint by Bolsonaro's campaign alleging disinformation, though the decision was later overturned. Did the "army" influence the election outcome? Lula's victory was shaped by multiple factors, including electoral participation, vote redistribution from eliminated candidates, and shifts in geographical support. However, Firmino asserts that Janones' online mobilization was crucial to Lula's win. "I have no doubt. Without that, I don’t think the comeback would have happened," he stated. "He organized the militancy, he gave them a method. I think that’s the main point." Firmino believes the right underestimated Janones' strategy, noting that he focused on communicating directly with Lula supporters rather than the undecided. The goal was for these "soldiers" to carry the message to their families, friends, undecided voters, and those considering abstention. For Cunha, the missions offered more than a political cause. During her mother's serious illness in August, which prevented her from voting in the first round, the digital mobilization provided a distraction and a sense of purpose. "The Army saved Brazil, it saved Lula and it saved me a little too," she shared, feeling closer to her mother and their shared cause. A significant satisfaction for Cunha was helping a friend, who had been contemplating abstention, ultimately vote for Lula. "I managed to change a vote," she said. While the national impact of such individual stories remains unquantifiable, Cunha found the post-campaign period challenging. "I think we’re living through a kind of post-traumatic stress from the Army, like we’ve really gone to war," she reflected. "We’re exhausted, but we want more missions. We feel like we can conquer the world."