UK and France Deploy Military Assets to Saudi Arabia Amid Escalating Yemen Conflict

France and the United Kingdom have bolstered their defence ties with Saudi Arabia by deploying military assets to the kingdom as the conflict with the Houthis, also known as Ansar Allah, intensifies. Paris announced last week the commencement of asset deployment to Saudi Arabia, fulfilling a prior commitment by President Emmanuel Macron to send troops and air defence systems to safeguard the Red Sea port city of Yanbu from Houthi attacks. Concurrently, the UK revealed plans on Tuesday to deploy fighter jets to aid in shielding Saudi Arabia against Houthi assaults. Both nations emphasized the defensive nature of their support.

Analysts suggest these European deployments serve multiple geopolitical objectives: safeguarding crucial Saudi oil exports vital to European energy markets, reinforcing their strategic alliance in the Gulf amidst perceived US reluctance for direct military aid to Saudi Arabia, and enhancing deterrence against future Houthi aggression. However, many analysts caution that these deployments carry substantial risks, potentially drawing the two European states deeper into the protracted Saudi-Houthi conflict. Burcu Ozcelik, a senior research fellow for Middle East Security at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), warned, “If insufficiently deterred, the Houthis may decide that the moment is ripe to test the resolve and resilience of Saudi Arabia’s defensive posture, and attempt to draw Saudi Arabia’s allies even further into the Yemen-Saudi confrontation.”

The enhanced British and French military support comes as Saudi Arabia confronts a persistent campaign of Houthi missiles and drones, targeting its energy and transport infrastructure. Recent Houthi attacks on airports in Riyadh and Abha resulted in 19 fatalities and over 300 injuries, according to Turki al-Maliki, spokesperson for the Saudi-led coalition. UK Defence Secretary Wes Streeting condemned these attacks as “absolutely despicable,” particularly the targeting of Riyadh airport. The UK Ministry of Defence stated its deployment would include Typhoon fighter jets for “defensive counter air missions,” military advisers to collaborate with Saudi staff officers, and an A400M transport aircraft for moving defence materials within the kingdom. President Macron indicated that French support would encompass soldiers, radars, and defence systems, without specifying the scale.

Urban Coningham, a research fellow at RUSI, highlighted distinctions in the roles, noting French efforts are primarily focused on protecting Saudi export infrastructure. In contrast, British forces will conduct “defensive patrols where they would shoot down incoming missiles or drones” and provide air-to-air refuelling for Saudi aircraft operating over Yemen. Camille Lons, policy fellow and deputy head of the Paris office at the European Council on Foreign Relations, observed that France’s capacity is constrained by demands on European defences due to the war in Ukraine, but Paris views its assistance as a means to “show support [for Saudi Arabia] in times of crisis, and a way to deepen the defence partnership.”

Saudi Arabia is expected to welcome these European deployments, having faced challenges in translating some security partnerships into substantial military support. In September, US President Donald Trump reportedly declined multiple Saudi requests for offensive operations against the Houthis, offering only intelligence and targeting assistance. While Turkiye and Pakistan have pledged “collective deterrence measures,” including potential troop deployments under a new Mecca defence pact, ratification is pending in Turkiye. Egypt’s parliament has also deferred a vote to authorize its armed forces’ support for Saudi Arabia.

Nawaf Obaid, a senior fellow at King’s College War Studies Department, deemed the UK and French deployments “militarily valuable and politically significant,” suggesting they could bolster the kingdom’s defences against Houthi air attacks and allow Riyadh to concentrate its own assets on offensive operations. Obaid explained, “The British Typhoons can reinforce Saudi air defences and, crucially, free up Saudi Eurofighters for offensive operations. France’s contribution is particularly important for protecting Yanbu.” He added that Saudi Arabia possesses its own robust combat aircraft fleet and requires “additional defensive coverage across its enormous territory, particularly for critical energy infrastructure.” Ozcelik noted that while the British move is “not insignificant,” its deterrent effect remains uncertain, questioning “whether the UK air missions will move the dial in deterring sustained Houthi attacks while Saudi air defences and interceptor stockpiles are stretched.”

The potential for the UK and France to maintain a purely defensive stance, and whether the Houthis will perceive it as such, remains uncertain. Coningham suggested that the Houthis might interpret European military involvement, particularly the UK’s air-to-air support for Saudi aircraft, as offensive. This could lead the Houthis to target British forces in the region or alter their stance on maritime passage in the Bab al-Mandeb strait. Analysts also pointed to the risk of a Houthi attack in Saudi Arabia resulting in British or French casualties, which could trigger calls for retaliation. Ozcelik indicated that the UK might face pressure for a more offensive role in the event of “mass civilian casualty events” or “debilitating attacks on Saudi’s energy infrastructure,” though London would likely consider such a move a “last resort.” She concluded, “Neither the Mecca signatories nor the UK are inclined to get dragged into deeper and likely protracted conflict inside Yemen.”